It was advocating socially conservative values and supported by fringe elements in the Polish Catholic Church. It disintegrated after the education minister, appointed from the LPR, encountered strong opposition after a corruption scandal that involved regional savings banks and implicated the parties of the ruling coalition, including the LPR. Similarly, the now defunct but once prominent Greater Romanian Party peaked in the elections of and with double-digit popular p.
These examples of prominent radical right parties gone bust illustrate the volatility of radical right party support and their episodic and meteoric nature. Figure Until , that mobilization was exclusively against minorities with electoral rights who have been settled in for centuries. The influx to Europe of a million-plus refugees from Syria expanded the portfolio of minorities to rally against and, paradoxically, Westernized the East European radical right in its opposition to Islam and migrants with non-European backgrounds. Ignazi These unique characteristics are 1 left-leaning positions on the economy, 2 linkages between identity and political reforms, which leads to the association of minority policies with democratization, and 3 the coexistence of radical right parties with radicalized mainstream parties.
Notwithstanding their label, East European radical right parties are left-leaning on the economy when compared to other parties in their respective political systems Allen p. Their policy platforms stand for protection against the volatility of markets, more social spending, and greater state control over the economy, which precludes foreign involvement in free markets and ownership.
Despite their overwhelming lean to the left, it does not follow that these parties have a clear social base among lower-income people Tucker There are three reasons why economic and other sociodemographic profiles with the mild exception of gender do not map onto the economic policy platforms of parties cf. Bornischer and Kriesi The second reason relates to the fact that economic grievances are tied to identity issues, such as concerns about the loss of national sovereignty and about the perceived unfairness of the economic system, which undermines the legitimacy of wealth acquired by the winners of the economic transformation.
These three factors obfuscate the direct link between economic deprivation and radical right voting. Diffusion of the risk obscures the link between voting and pocketbook-related grievances, and it precludes the possibility of finding an equivalent of the disenchanted blue-collar worker voting for the radical right in the East. Market distortions blur the risk profiles of voters.
For example, access to a rent-controlled apartment or the ability to purchase an apartment at below market value in the early transition years was a better indicator of economic security than income or sectoral employment. Due to these distortions, it is more difficult to capture exposure to risk associated with educational levels or self-declared levels of income. Exposure to risk is more diffuse and more related to access to high-quality health care, educational opportunities, and protection in retirement Greskovits The second reason is that economic grievances are tied to identity issues.
Economic concerns are intertwined with identity concerns because, ultimately, economic concerns are related to issues of national sovereignty and not the particular day-to-day economic expectations of policies. Therefore, at the aggregate level, surges in support for the radical right might follow after an upsurge in aggregate levels of wealth, such as was the case with the rise of Ataka in Bulgaria in , LPR in Poland in , and SNS in Slovakia in At the individual level, opposition to fiscal austerity is related to the perceptions of fairness.
This is especially true when the country is subjected to austerity policies or privatization that is perceived as benefiting foreign companies, despite any overall positive, individual-level effects on voters. Voters may also be dissatisfied with policies that put minorities at an advantage, either via programs sponsored from abroad or via domestic programs.
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The relative balance of benefits between the titular majority and the minority might therefore tilt away from the titular majority, despite the overall benefits for all citizens. The third reason individual-level economic profiles do not map to left-right platforms of parties is related to the shifts in ethnic group hierarchy that result from the process of democratization. This means that economic concerns are related to concerns about policy changes in the status quo as it applies to minorities, rather than objective concerns about poverty.
The reason why economics, on the surface, explains little is due to its relational nature.
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Sensitivity to economic issues is not rooted in individual profiles tied to objective grievances but to sensitivity about the status quo. The experience of having the status quo shifted in an unfavorable way is at the core of support for radical right parties in Eastern Europe Bustikova , In Eastern Europe, this shift in the status quo of ethnic relations proceeded in parallel with the process of democratization, which brings us to the second distinction between the East European and West European radical right: in Western Europe, the resurgence in radical right mobilization that came about in the s did not happen in the context of a regime change and political liberalization.
Democratization in Eastern Europe had empowered minorities and politicized the protection of minority rights. In some instances, the backlash against diversity and inclusiveness was immediate, and reflected the growing pains of post-authoritarian polities. In other cases, after being preoccupied with the establishment of basic electoral institutions, resentment toward opportunities that the new liberal democratic order opened up for minorities resulted in the countermobilization of the radical right. The primary targets of radical right parties and groups are minorities, but in some important ways political parties as well as domestic and international organizations that are associated with the promotion of minority rights and minority accommodation are also targeted.
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Ekiert and Kubik ; Giddens and Case Democratization allowed minority groups to organize, to form political parties, to engage in civic life, and to create pressure from below to expand the rights of ethnic groups and their access to state resources. This pressure resulted in the diversification of public education by opening up possibilities for the bilingual education of children and young adults. The process of accession to the European Union and the Council of Europe facilitated the opening up of a political discourse to minorities, and diversity in general.
This charter was signed by seventeen out of twenty-two post-communist regimes and resulted in the expansion of minority schooling and an increase in budget allocation for minority cultures Bustikova , Compliance with the Copenhagen criteria, which determine eligibility to join the European Union, resulted in the improvement of the rights of ethnic and social minorities, but at the same time politicized issues of diversity and inclusion. This created an opening for radical right parties to campaign against issues of minority accommodation.
Political radicalism and extremism are often studied in the context of racism. By examining the politicization of minority accommodation, Bustikova challenges a widely held assertion that prejudice and xenophobia fuel radical right support also Rydgren Instead, she argues, electoral extremism originates in dissatisfaction with the ascension of minority groups to political power, rather than in xenophobia. This has potentially important implications for our understanding of the effectiveness of certain accommodative arrangements to mediate ethnic tensions, especially in new democracies.
Although accommodative arrangements can sometimes be effective barriers to the outbreak of large-scale violent ethnic conflict, in periods of normal politics they can also have unexpected adverse effects that exacerbate rather than soothe ethnic tensions. Democratization does not mix well with nation-building.
While this insight may be accurate for the onset of democratization, it overlooks the possibility that ethnic relations might sour after the transition period as a result of an increase in domestic minority demands or due to external pressures to expand minority rights. It is perhaps surprising that the highest volume of radical right mobilization is observed not in countries with unresolved ethnic boundaries but rather in polities with institutionally delineated boundaries between titular majority and minorities. In fact, radical right parties are often quite weak in states where national boundaries have not yet been firmly established.
Countries such as Albania, Georgia, Greece, Portugal, Spain, and Ukraine either have failed to produce radical right parties at all or have experienced radical right political mobilization very recently. Although it might be tempting to associate support for radical right parties with worsening economic conditions, rampant corruption, or voter apathy and prejudice, these factors do not explain why specifically a radical right party, and not an anti-corruption party or another niche party, emerges in response.
Bustikova proposes that support for radical right parties originates in policy hostility, which is defined as an opposition to policy changes in the status quo of ethnic relations, and that such parties succeed when they compete politically on a platform that seeks to counterbalance or roll back the political gains of minorities see also Dancygier ; Rydgren The claim that radical right parties are not fond of minorities is of course an old one, but we should not be blinded by the inflammatory nature of party rhetoric into concluding that voting for radical right parties originates in hatred against minorities, since xenophobia is something that many non-radical-right voters in Eastern Europe openly express.
What differentiates radical right voters in Eastern Europe is their vehement opposition to policies that accommodate minority demands and elevate their status. This implies that p. Radical right mobilization, on this account, is rooted in policy hostility rather than in group hostility. The process of building a liberal democracy resulted in paying special attention to the socioeconomic well-being of minorities and politicizing their rights.
Policies that expand minority rights induce powerful grievances in the electorate when small ethnic and social groups are viewed as being accommodated and when mainstream parties appear to be helping do that. The political rights and benefits achieved by minorities irritate some voters, and it is these voters who are attracted to radical right parties that seek to reverse those gains. This relates to another major difference between West and East European democracies. Dissatisfaction with policies undertaken during the process of democratization, such as the expansion of ethnic and social minority rights, by politicians who are viewed as unaccountable is increasingly linked to anti-democratic attitudes in Eastern Europe Minkenberg Although corrupt political practices are certainly present in Western Europe at the highest levels, they are not associated with calls to question the core rules of democratic governance.
In Eastern Europe, responsiveness to the demands of minorities and democracy are bundled together, so the backlash against establishment politicians and parties feeds off the intensity of an identity-based cleavage. The ability of new liberal democracies to survive hinges on their ability to contain this backlash against the expansion of minority rights. Nationalism and sour attitudes toward liberal democracy have three interconnected sources. The first is the European Union, which is associated with rights for ethnic, social, and sexual minorities along with restrictions of national sovereignty.
Opposition to these principles of liberal democracy in Europe conveniently provides a pathway to increasing sovereignty in domestic affairs. Second, opposition to liberal democracy is often disguised as opposition to diversity, and goes hand in hand with advocating further restrictions on civic life. Third, since the democratic and economic transitions proceeded simultaneously, voters associate the introduction of free markets with democratization. The corrupt nexus of politics and economics, which was born in this dual transition, has cast a dark shadow on democratic institutions, which have often failed to establish adequate regulatory oversight institutions to curb political corruption.
Corruption and anti-establishment attitudes engage economic issues and are enhanced by feelings of economic unfairness. Calls to rearrange ethnic relations and empower groups that benefit from p. The European Union, by its design, limits national sovereignty. After the collapse of communism, radical right parties started off with an anti-communist agenda. Being vassals to Moscow compromised the deposed communist rulers unless they discovered nationalism in time to become leaders of newly sovereign polities. The anti-communist cleavage was still relevant in the third wave of post-communist elections, around the time of the EU accession, when anti-establishment parties, including radical right parties, exploited dissatisfaction with the first wave of reform politicians and their second-wave replacement.
This anti-establishment sentiment was fed by the idea that new political representatives sold out national interests by allowing former communists to convert their social capital into an economic capital and by not prosecuting former communists for participating in a repressive political regime that constrained state sovereignty. With time, the post-communist cleavage faded away and the danger to national sovereignty turned from the East to the West.
Radical right parties are acutely aware of the benefits of membership in the European Union, which brings subsidies as well as developmental funds to the East. None of the radical right parties in Eastern Europe has, so far, called for a referendum or a petition that would call for an exit from the European Union comparable in scale to the efforts of the British Euroskeptic parties.
Radical right parties therefore found new and unexpected friends among their Western counterparts in the European Parliament. Euroskeptic views bridge many East-West differences. The bloc was short-lived, however, when significant tensions erupted between the Italian and Romanian radical right. Once the Romanian representatives left, the bloc was dissolved because it did not have the twenty required members.
The French and Dutch radical right parties lead the current bloc, called the European Alliance for Freedom, which relies on three weak members from p. After the EU Eastern Europe enlargement, Euroskeptic attitudes have become powerful predictors of radical right voting across Western and Eastern Europe. Yet it is not a fear of technocrats from Brussels and their investigations of fraud in disbursing European funds that fuels radical right support, but irritation with EU reports that criticize violations of Roma rights, demand the expansion of minority language rights and praise gender equality in the workplace.
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